Language contact and change in the Americas : studies in honor of Marianne Mithun

Language contact and change in the Americas : studies in honor of Marianne Mithun /

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Bibliographic Details
Online Access: Full text (MCPHS users only)
Other Authors: Berez-Kroeker, Andrea L. (Editor), Hintz, Diane M. (Editor), Jany, Carmen, 1970- (Editor), Mithun, Marianne (honouree.)
Format: Electronic eBook
Language:English
Published: Amsterdam ; Philadelphia : John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2016
Series:Studies in language companion series ; v. 173.
Subjects:
Languages in contact > America > History.
Language and languages > Variation > History.
Linguistic change > America > History.
Historical linguistics > America.
Festschriften.
Local Note:ProQuest Ebook Central
Table of Contents:
  • Intro
  • Language Contact and Change in the Americas
  • Editorial page
  • Title page
  • LCC data
  • Table of contents
  • Foreword
  • Language contact and change in the Americas
  • 1. The state of the art: A sketch
  • 2. The contributions in this book
  • References
  • Part I: North America: California
  • Yuki, Pomoan, Wintun, and Athabaskan
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. Background
  • 3. Cultural similarities and trade contacts
  • 4. Linguistic similarities
  • 4.1 History of language contact in Round Valley
  • 4.2 Features shared by Yuki and Pomoan
  • 4.3 Features shared by Yuki with Wintun and Athabaskan
  • 4.4 Yuki and Wappo
  • 5. Conclusion
  • References
  • Appendix
  • The role of passives in the formation of hierarchical systems in Northern California
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. Diachrony in hierarchical systems
  • 3. Core argument patterns in Northern California
  • 3.1 Dependent-marked languages
  • 3.2 Agent-patient systems (both dependent- and head-marked)
  • 3.3 Head-marked languages
  • 3.3.1 Hierarchical and inverse languages
  • 3.3.2 Languages with portmanteau affixes
  • 4. Passive constructions in Northern California
  • 4.1 Passives in dependent-marked languages
  • 4.2 Passives in hierarchical and inverse languages
  • 4.3 Passives in languages with portmanteau affixes
  • 5. Summary and conclusions
  • References
  • Appendix
  • Assessing the effects of language contact on Northeastern Pomo
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. Data sources
  • 3. Overview of Northeastern Pomo
  • 3.1 Phonology of Northeastern Pomo
  • 3.2 The Default Verbal Suffix (dvs)
  • 4. Controversy over Northeastern Pomo
  • 4.1 Background
  • 4.2 Minimum speech community size in California
  • 5. Retentions
  • 5.1 Laryngeal increments
  • 5.2 Glottal-initial words
  • 6. Language-internal innovations
  • 6.1 Change of *pʰ to /f/
  • 6.2 Citation form of animate nouns.
  • 6.3 First-person verbal suffix
  • 6.4 Adjectives
  • 7. Contact-induced phenomena
  • 7.1 Merger of *s and *š
  • 7.2 Fronting of *k to t̯
  • 7.3 Voiceless laterals and voiceless allophone of rhotic
  • 7.4 Alienable vs. inalienable possession
  • 7.5 Nominative/accusative case marking
  • 8. Conclusion
  • References
  • Synchronic and diachronic accounts of phonological features in Central Chumash languages
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. Background
  • 3. Phonological processes in Central Chumash languages
  • 3.1 Word-final glottalization
  • 3.2 Word final [h]
  • 3.3 Word final ejective obstruents
  • 3.4 Allomorphy as a reason to prefer diachronic explanations
  • 4. Conclusions
  • References
  • Part II: North America: Athabaskan, Iroquoian, and Uto-Aztecan
  • Contact and semantic shift in extreme language endangerment
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. The Ahtna directionals
  • 2.1 Morphology of the directionals
  • 2.2 Semantics of the directional stems
  • 2.3 Absolute frame of reference and Major River Orientation
  • 3. The Ahtna region
  • 4. Riverine directionals in a cardinal world
  • 4.1 The bilingual fieldwork conditions
  • 4.2 Hints of contact-induced change
  • 4.3 Evidence of change: 'Upriver' becoming equated with 'north'
  • 4.4 The role of general topography
  • 4.4.1 Ngge' 'upland' in the Matanuska River drainage
  • 4.4.2 Tgge' 'up (vertically)' along the Tazlina River to Tazlina Lake.
  • 4.4.3 Why ngge' and tgge'?
  • 5. Conclusion
  • Appendix: Transcription conventions
  • References
  • "Excorporation" in a Dene (Athabaskan) language
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. The structure of the verb word: The conjunct-disjunct distinction
  • 2.1 The conjunct/disjunct distinction: A brief introduction
  • 2.2 The word nature of the verb unit
  • 2.3 A return to the disjunct/conjunct distinction: Differences in patterning.
  • 3. The historical development of the verb word: A brief overview
  • 4. Prefix-initial nasals: Reflexes in FGH Dene
  • 5. What is more conservative?
  • 6. Further dismantling
  • 6.1 Tone
  • 6.2 h-epenthesis
  • 7. Interim summary
  • 8. Why the strengthening?
  • 8.1 The shift in nasalization: Reducing allomorphy
  • 8.2 h-epenthesis
  • 8.3 Tone
  • 8.4 Summary
  • 9. Consequences: Two perspectives
  • 9.1 A linguistic perspective
  • 9.2 A socio-cultural perspective
  • 10. Conclusion
  • References
  • Contact and change in Oneida
  • 1. Early contact history
  • 2. History of literacy
  • 3. Structural barriers to borrowing into Oneida
  • 3.1 Oneida morphology
  • 3.2 Simplified structure
  • 3.3 Simplification for measures
  • 3.4 Semantic shifts
  • 3.5 Borrowing names
  • 4. Oneida's relationship with Mohawk
  • 4.1 Contacts
  • 4.2. Language differences
  • 4.2.1 Sounds and spellings
  • 4.2.2 r vs l
  • 4.2.3 Epenthesis
  • 4.2.4 Accent shift
  • 4.2.5 Whispering
  • 4.2.5.1 Description of whispering. The process that involves devoicing of final syllables was described by Lounsbury (1942, 1953) as characteristic of sentence-final pronunciations. Because it is somewhat problematic to define sentences (­independent of t
  • 4.2.5.2 Development of whispering. Was this whispering process part of Oneida in the late 18th century? The documents in the Kirklandcollection show almost no evidence of it. There are just a few words where an expected final syllable is ­missing but ther
  • 4.3. Awareness of differences
  • 5. Semantic borrowing
  • 5.1 Pressure for borrowing
  • 5.2 'metal' to 'money'
  • 5.3 'serious' to 'sacred'
  • 6. 20th Century
  • 6.1 Borrowing
  • 6.2 Codeswitching
  • 6.3 Continuing change
  • 7. Conclusion
  • References
  • Huron/Wendat interactions with the Seneca language
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. Language shift as captured in the Tsonnontuan dictionaries.
  • 3. How Tsonnontuan relates to Pre-Seneca reconstructions
  • 4. Wendat phonology in the Tsonnontuan dictionaries
  • 4.1 Wendat changes not reflected in Tsonnontuan or Modern Seneca
  • 5. Lexical borrowings from Wendat into Seneca
  • 6. Meaning differences reflected in the Tsonnontuan dictionaries
  • 7. Wendat influence on Modern Seneca grammar
  • 8. Speaking Seneca with a Wendat accent
  • 9. Conclusion
  • References
  • The usual suspects
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. The usual suspects
  • 2.1 'Do' -ni-
  • 2.1.1 Still residually lexical
  • 2.1.2 Grammaticalized
  • 2.2 'Make'/'become' -ti-/-ri-
  • 2.3 'Be' -ra-/-ta-
  • 2.3.1 Still marginally lexical
  • 2.3.2 More recent grammaticalization
  • 2.3.3 The nominalizer or passive suffix -ta
  • 2.4 'Have'/'be' -ga-
  • 2.4.1 Still marginally lexical
  • 2.4.2 Multiple grammaticalization
  • 2.5 'Go' -kwa-
  • 2.5.1 Still marginally lexical
  • 2.5.2 Grammaticalized
  • 3. Near-terminal stage
  • 3.1 'Go' -pa-/-va-
  • 3.2 'Be' -na-
  • 4. Discussion
  • References
  • Part III: Northern Mexico, Mesoamerica and South America
  • Language documentation and historical linguistics
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. Historical perspectives
  • 3. Why is language documentation, particularly documentation of endangered languages, important to historical linguistics?
  • 4. Hypotheses about possible kinds of changes in endangered languages
  • 4.1 Normal change?
  • 5. Language documentation contributions to historical linguistics
  • 5.1 Xinkan agriculture and views of language diversification
  • 5.2 Language contact in Misión La Paz and change in situations of intensive language contact
  • 5.3 Lexical borrowing in Matacoan languages
  • 5.4 Broader implications of the MLP situation
  • 6. Historical linguistic contributions to language documentation and language revitalization
  • 7. Conclusions
  • References.
  • The Jakaltek Popti' noun classifier system
  • Introduction
  • 1. Outline of the Jakaltek noun classifier system
  • 1.1 The categorization schema of the Jakaltek noun classifier system
  • 1.2 A grammaticalized noun classifier system
  • 1.3 How the specifics of the Jakaltek system fed a typology of classifier systems
  • 2. A frozen system in the 1970s, that had been more open at colonization time
  • 2.1 Constraints on the classification schema in the 1970s
  • 2.2 Earlier adaptability of the system in colonial times
  • 3. Extensive changes in the system by 2000
  • 3.1 Data collection
  • 3.2 Types of changes observed
  • 3.2.1 Changes pertaining to non-traditional materials
  • 3.2.2 Regularized use of postnominal mention of non-traditional material
  • 3.2.3 A new case of class extension for plastic objects
  • 3.2.4 Changes in the semantic motivation of existing classifiers
  • 3.2.5 Addition of new classifiers to the inventory
  • 3.3 Conclusions on all the ongoing changes in the functioning of the system
  • 4. Discussion: Classifier systems and language contact
  • 4.1 Variation and change in an endangered language environment
  • 4.2 An endangered Mayan language in the midst of revitalization efforts
  • 4.2 Epilogue on cycles of classifier systems and language contact
  • References
  • Language contact and word structure
  • 1. The Tariana of north-west Amazonia: Past and present
  • 2. How the Tariana language has changed under Tucano influence
  • 3. Recent changes in Tariana under pressure from Tucano
  • 3.1 The Tucano influence on Tariana morphology: Verb compounding
  • 3.2 How language contact has affected the order of morphemes in Tariana
  • 4. To conclude
  • Acknowledgements
  • References
  • Auxiliation and typological shift
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. The Quechua language family and its contact situation
  • 3. Native diachronic processes
  • 3.1 Auxiliation.

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